There are many people who would argue that American nativism during this time period was misguided. However, if we have to argue that fear of immigrants was justified, we can do so by pointing to the fact that some immigrants were politically radical during this time, which was also the First of all, we have to realize that not everyone would say that Americans were justified in their fear of immigrants after World War I. At this point in world history, there was a fair amount of worry about communism and anarchism.
We have deprived you of an enemy. Gerasimov recognized that the fall of communist Russia denied the American government the ability to exploit the fear of Marxism to its own benefit. It was as if the American government had lost its reason for being. The United States has a long history of exploiting fear for the purpose of legitimizing its growth.
The current generations of American citizens are direct witnesses to over eight decades of such exploitation. In the Great Depression, the government used the fear of capitalism to legitimize previously unforeseen growth in the size of the federal bureaucracy.
Thus, the government quickly shifted its focus to the threat posed by Japan, Germany, and their allies. Perhaps most relevant to current Americans was the fear of communism perpetuated through the Cold War. No less than two wars were justified by this anticommunism, as were political repression and a radical expansion of bureaucracy and the military-industrial complex.
As Gerasimov suggested, the fall of the Soviet Union left the US government without a justification for its existence.
The state no longer enjoyed an overbearing threat with which to distract the masses while it grew in size. Unfortunately, this situation did not last long. Indeed, the past decade witnessed the development of an overwhelming American fear of terrorism.
Americans have apathetically allowed the repression of their freedoms in the name of some greater cause a cause, ironically, justified as a mission to preserve American freedoms. While support of American imperialism, otherwise termed "counterterrorism," has recently waned, the government is now reinforcing its legitimacy by once again intervening on behalf of the common man against the capitalist system.
The state thrives off the creation of a false dichotomy between stateless ruin and state-induced prosperity. The actual relationship is quite clear, however: The state, looking to find a scapegoat for the disaster, was quick to demonize capitalism and greedy irrationalism as the culprits behind the dramatic depreciation of the general standard of living.
The solution was benign government intervention, guaranteeing the laborer a living wage and promising progress and growth through central management.
The fear of economic collapse, poverty, and misery led the American people to largely ignore, or even allow and accept, the growth of bureaucracy. Despite large spending programs and rampant bureaucratic growth, neither president successfully ended the depression.
The rise of Adolf Hitler in Europe and the growing threat of Japanese imperialism in the Pacific provided Roosevelt with the perfect target. Intervention in Europe was justified not merely on account of helping the British or opposing German fascism. The government instead built a culture of fear. Another such poster depicted the Germans and Japanese looming ominously over the United States, one with a pistol and the other with a bloody dagger, reading, "Our homes are in danger now!
Creating a threat was necessary if Roosevelt was to persuade the noninterventionist doves, many of whom still peppered the bureaucracy.
Indeed, after the First World War only a direct threat could justify American involvement in a new European war. A direct attack on the United States provided all the justification necessary to intervene both in the Pacific and in Europe.
The result was a two-theater war, costing the United States nearlylives and many more woundedand leaving Europe and Japan almost completely shattered. All the while, the American state continued to grow in size, power, and capability.The fear of Communism infiltration in the U.S.
government, entertainment industry and other organizations affected American politics, culture, and even daily life, particularly in the early years of the Cold War. Red Scare of Mid-Century America: Should America apologize to the world for all the wars brought about by fighting communism?
Why is red scare important to us today? What were the effects of the Red Scare?
Mar 10, · The fear of communism itself is justified, but what they did to combat it was completly wrong. The United States had no business in Vietnam or in Russia, or anywhere else.
Perhaps most relevant to current Americans was the fear of communism perpetuated through the Cold War. No less than two wars were justified by this anticommunism, as were political repression and a radical expansion of bureaucracy and .
Mar 03, · Best Answer: If America's fear of communism is justified, then the Soviet Union's fear of American imperialism is also justified. Contrary to 60 years of American Cold War propaganda - Status: Resolved. Sep 13, · Watch video · The climate of fear and repression linked to the Red Scare finally began to ease by the late s.
The advances of communism around the world convinced many U.S. citizens that there was a.